We, the Berlin-based NGO Vitsche e.V., whose mission is to counteract russian propaganda and amplify Ukrainian voices across Europe, write to express our deep concern regarding the return of the performances “Museum of Uncounted Voices” by Marina Davydova at HAU Hebbel am Ufer, scheduled for 2–11 November 2025.
As an organisation representing Ukrainian allies living and working in Berlin’s cultural and political spheres, we are committed to supporting artistic freedom and open discourse. In this matter, we strongly value HAU Hebbel am Ufer’s legacy as a progressive theatre that offers opportunities to artists who cannot realise their projects in their own countries due to political or economic repression, and that works with respect needed to ensure its projects do not retraumatise or devalue anyone. Such an approach is crucial in a moment when authoritarian forces are regaining visibility and power, including within Germany’s public sphere.
However, we believe that cultural institutions bear an ethical responsibility for the narratives and particular works of art they choose to host, particularly in times of violent conflicts, such as the ongoing russian war against Ukraine.
Marina Davydova, a long-time figure of the russian theatrical establishment, presents herself as a liberal exile, while reproducing the very logic that underpins russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine. Platforming such narratives, especially those emerging from cultural elites in russia, risks reproducing imperial frames and blurring the distinction between aggressor and victim, coloniser and colonised. On top of that, it actually reinforces the absurd justification of the russian invasion of Ukraine.
In this respect, we believe that the play “Museum of Uncounted Voices” is not an act of a sophisticated reassertion of russian exceptionalism disguised as irony and self-victimisation. Without proper contextualisation, such framing becomes dangerous, misleading and insensitive for the groups directly affected by russian aggression today.
Not Handling Complexity Ends Up Reinforcing Propaganda
Davydova constructs her stage as a pseudo-museum of “russian greatness.” The opening episode presents scenes of imperial ecstasy intertwined with mainstream russian propaganda claims, where, among many falsified “facts,” the annexation of Ukrainian territories such as Kherson and Crimea is described as a “voluntary joining.” Today such statements in public completely ignore the fact that they are traumatising and triggering without accurately formulated context. For example Davydova herself has remarked that some audience members reacted with alarm to such statements, recognising them not as satire but as reinforcement of russian territorial claims: “When the actor says: ‘Kherson, Sevastopol, beautiful Odesa — these are our cities,’ a woman — I assume Ukrainian — stood up and screamed that this is horrible, that one must not say these are russian cities, taking it literally.” (Interview with Radio Svoboda, 31 May 2023) Instead of acknowledging the dramaturgical responsibility for such misreadings, Davydova chose to dismiss these reactions as a failure of audience understanding, implying that those who criticise the portrayal simply lack the sophistication to comprehend the irony. This condescension toward the audience, especially those whose lands and lives are directly impacted, reveals an underlying hierarchy in which Davydova’s “risky artistic provocation” is treated as inherently legitimate, while the lived experiences of the directly affected are dismissed as irrational or overly emotional.
Appropriation of Colonised Voices
In the following scenes, the director assumes the authority to speak on behalf of five nations historically oppressed by the russian and Soviet regimes — Ukraine, Belarus, Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. She fabricates fictional dialogues among these nations, portraying them as quarrelling over “who suffered more,” as if their histories of violence, genocide, and colonisation were interchangeable. Davydova further underscores this by staging a “short opera” in which all characters sing, “We are the victims, we are the main victims,” reducing the anti-colonial struggles of these nations to a caricature of competitive victimhood.
The performance provides no evidence of research, consultation, or engagement with the communities whose histories it claims the authority to retell. It is quite worrying for us to see that in your anti-colonial Institution such a colonial approach is finding its stage. Instead, their perspectives are refracted solely through Davydova’s own interpretive framework — one shaped by a cultural position historically aligned with russian narratives. In this structure, national identities marked by imperial subjugation are flattened into stereotypes, and their experiences become instruments for a theatrical concept rather than the subjects of meaningful representation. The result is a reproduction of a familiar hierarchy: a russian-coded worldview remains central, while the experiences and histories of formerly dominated nations are seconded to a narrative constructed elsewhere.
In political and documentary theatre, representation practices demand responsibility: centring marginalised voices without collaboration, consent, or contextual accuracy is not neutrality but a continuation of the very generalising and identity-erasing structures the artwork claims to interrogate, which in case of russia often follows with the armed invasion.
We urge HAU Hebbel am Ufer to critically reflect on the implications of giving the space in their house to this production without contextual framing.
We call on HAU Hebbel am Ufer to refrain from presenting this production in its current form and to commit to curatorial practices that do not legitimise imperial narratives, but instead centre informed, responsible representation.
We write this letter not to silence but to demand responsibility, to remind that neutrality is a form of complicity in times of rising authoritarian threats and brutal war. We stand for artistic dialogue that is ethically grounded and historically aware, not for the normalisation of imperial trauma narratives or the reproduction of harmful power structures on stage.
We invite HAU Hebbel am Ufer to enter into an open conversation with representatives of the affected communities in Berlin to ensure that the stage remains a space for justice, not for distortion.
Open Letter to HAU from Vitsche e.V. Marina Davydova.docx
With a heavy heart, we announce the passing of Dr. Richard Herzinger — a brilliant journalist, a piercing political essayist, and a steadfast friend of Ukraine. His incisive, uncompromising, and unafraid voice will remain with us. We hope his words and convictions will echo for a long time to come.
From his Frankfurt roots to his Berlin base, Richard built a reputation not simply as a commentator but as a moral conscience for German society. He challenged prevailing winds of thought, from calling out the complacency of parts of the Left for embracing “the Russian narrative” to insisting that “Europe’s fate rises or falls with Ukraine’s sovereignty.” He was a harsh critic of right- and left-wing populists; he excoriated shallow peace-peddling illusions, decried betrayal masked as diplomacy, and reminded us that freedom and truth demand courage. He contributed to Die Zeit, Die Welt, Tagesspiegel, NZZ, Zeitschrift Internationale Politik, Perlentaucher Kulturmagazin, the Ukrainian outlet Tyzhden, and many more.
Richard did not seek popularity with soothing words. He embraced conflict, intellectual rigor, and moral clarity. His essays confronted German and European political circles with truths many found uncomfortable — and when the fashionable consensus in Germany turned cold or indifferent toward Ukraine, he stood firm. He always understood what russia is — in 2008, in 2014 — always the same reality, though in Germany he often stood alone. He warned against the Nord Stream 2 project when it was celebrated as common sense. For that courage, he was often excluded from mainstream voices and marginalized in a culture lacking consensus.
He stood for Ukraine, for a strong Eastern European region as a crucial part of a strong European legacy.
It was our great honor at Vitsche to collaborate with Richard and to share projects and ideas with him. To have worked side by side with such a penetrating mind and generous spirit was a privilege beyond measure. We are deeply grateful for the opportunity to have worked with Dr. Herzinger to amplify truth and reach new audiences. We are honored that Richard joined each of our demonstrations since the beginning of russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. He was a devoted participant and contributor to almost all our public events, showing his firm commitment to supporting Ukraine.
We invite all who value free thought, who love Ukraine, who care for a strong and just Europe — to read his work, engage with his arguments, debate, and build further. The archive that holds these truths is more than a memorial — it is a fire to be kindled. We believe that Dr. Herzinger’s predictions and warnings will remain relevant for many years to come.
In each essay, column, indictment, and affirmation, Richard Herzinger’s voice remains alive — calling us to greater fidelity to truth, to courage in politics, and to solidarity with those who fight for freedom.
The exhibition portrays people who were forced to leave their homes after russia’s attack on Ukraine. It features both Ukrainians and russians. That may sound empathetic — but it is not value-neutral.
“It’s about Ukrainian war refugees and russian emigrants.
Both could no longer remain in their homeland.”
“We wanted to show their trauma with empathy and preserve their dignity.”
Portraying Ukrainians and russians as equally displaced creates a false moral equivalence between the real victims of war and people from the country that started the aggression. It replaces truth with comfort — and justice with aesthetics.
Such framing distorts the power dynamics of this war. It suggests that all these people fled comparable dangers — but that is not true.
Ukrainians flee from invasion, occupation, mass killings, and the destruction of civilian life.
russians flee from conscription, sanctions, or the discomfort of living under their own regime.
As one curator said: “It’s about showing trauma with empathy.”
But empathy that ignores responsibility is not empathy — it is denial.
When art treats the victims and citizens of the aggressor state as equals, it depoliticizes violence and turns injustice into an aesthetic experience.
“russia’s victimhood narrative is part of the crime.” — Timothy Snyder
Many russian “refugees” have never publicly condemned the war, keeping open the possibility of return — even to the regime itself. Some continue to reproduce imperial narratives about neighboring states. Portraying them as innocent victims obscures complicity, not resistance.
In doing so, russia’s role as aggressor is softened — and Ukraine’s calls for justice and accountability are undermined.
Such projects blur Ukrainian suffering.
They turn a brutal invasion into a supposedly shared humanitarian tragedy.
“Everyone who flees suffers” sounds compassionate — but in this war, it reflects moral blindness. It erases responsibility, equates guilt, and blurs the line between victim and perpetrator.
russian voices remain in focus, Ukrainian ones pushed to the margins.
The old hierarchies persist — this is not decolonization.
Least of all in times of war.
The choice to present victims and perpetrators side by side is not a gesture of peace — it is an act of depoliticization.
It prioritizes comfort over justice, reconciliation over resistance, and silence over truth.
We call on cultural institutions and curators to:
— Prioritize Ukrainian voices and agency
— Name russian responsibility
— Avoid framing the war as a “shared tragedy”
— Expose the asymmetry — military, political, and moral
Because art holds power.
And power comes with responsibility.
📅 August 24.08.2025
🕓 16:00–18:00
📍 Blaue Kirche (Breitscheidplatz) → Brandenburg Gate
This year, we are once again taking to the streets of Berlin — not just to celebrate, but to remember.
To remember that independence was not a gift — we restored it. And since 1991, we’ve had to defend it time and time again — through revolutions, resistance, and war.
This year’s demonstration is held under the slogan “Future Needs Memory” — because we know:
❗️ Memory helps prevent the repetition of past mistakes
❗️ Memory resists colonial erasure and propaganda
❗️ Memory is part of our national identity
❗️ Without memory of the road we’ve taken, there can be no free future
Our march will raise urgent demands:
Your presence will show that defenders of democracy around the world stand united in supporting Ukraine’s sovereignty and the right of its people to live in peace.
📌 If you represent an organization and wish to join the march with your own column, please fill out the form: https://forms.gle/UB3fXEHhp1xb5upN8
Thank you to everyone who joined us for this urgent conversation on Ukraine’s anti-corruption infrastructure and the controversial Law 12414.
The live event is over — but you can watch the full recording here:
https://youtube.com/live/YM4TgDawdpU
When institutions are pressured from the top, civic resistance becomes essential. Protest doesn’t weaken Ukraine — it proves that society is defending its democratic foundations.
With:
– Iryna Shulikina (@iryna_shulikina), Director of Vitsche Berlin
– Inna Nelles (@panna__inna), strategic communications expert, co-founder of the German-Ukrainian Bureau, and key figure in civil society reforms (live from Kyiv)
📌 Topics we covered:
✔️ Why NABU and SAPO matter for Ukraine’s future
✔️ What triggered the backlash against Law 12414
✔️ Whether russian interests are involved — or if this is simply bad reform
✔️ Why civil society is mobilizing — and what this means for EU integration
✔️ What role Germany and international partners can play
On July 22, 2025, the Ukrainian parliament passed Law No. 12414, which places the main anti-corruption agencies under the control of the Prosecutor General.
Simply explained:
The NABU (National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine) and SAPO (Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office) had previously been independent — they investigated corruption in the government, including within the president’s circle.
In the future, their work will be controlled by a structure subordinate to the Prosecutor General — and the Prosecutor General is appointed by the president. This means that the investigators must now report to those they are actually supposed to investigate.
This undermines the independent oversight that has been built since the Revolution of Dignity in 2014 and violates the EU accession criteria.
How are Ukrainians reacting?
This decision has sparked the largest protests since the start of the full-scale russian invasion in 2022. Citizens, veterans’ groups, activists, journalists, and lawyers took to the streets in Kyiv, Lviv, Dnipro, Kharkiv and Odesa.
People called on the president not to sign the law in order to preserve the independence of anti-corruption oversight. They are demonstrating for their country — to protect the democratic path and international trust.
However, on the evening of July 22, President Zelensky still signed Law No. 12414 — despite public pressure from the protests.
How could Russia exploit this?
Internal political crises are ideal fuel for russian propaganda.
Through disinformation, fake narratives, and targeted manipulation, the Kremlin is trying to weaken Western support for Ukraine.
But this does not harm the government; it undermines Ukraine’s ability to defend itself against the russian attack.
What can we do?
Stay vigilant against russian disinformation — they will try to exploit situations like this for their own interests. Therefore, rely on independent Ukrainian media.
Remind politicians and societies in the EU:
Ukrainians are disappointed by this law, are taking to the streets, and are resisting. Right now, it is about supporting Ukraine. Because less support does not hit “those at the top,” but the people who fight every day — at the front, in hospitals, in destroyed cities. Stand by Ukraine — out of loyalty to those who bravely stand up for democracy and freedom.
Support the Ukrainian Defense Forces
Ukraine needs us — and it needs us now. The defense forces, in particular, face enormous challenges in protecting the country and its people.
Support reliable aid funds or units directly — so that vital equipment reaches where it is needed.
What is necessary now:
Pressure from institutions like the IMF and the EU on the power structures in Ukraine.
Withdrawal of visa-free travel for those who voted for Law No. 12414.
Sanctions against officials who voted for or pushed this law forward.
Together with GZA Europe, we are once again organizing a demonstration against the performance of Anna Netrebko at the Classic Open Air Festival in Berlin.
📅 July 21, 6:00–9:00 PM
📍 Gendarmenmarkt, Berlin
This time, we are preparing something special.
We want everyone attending this concert to see:
It is shameful to offer a stage to someone who has supported Vladimir Putin.
That’s why it is important that we remain visible throughout the entire event.
On July 21, 2025, Anna Netrebko is scheduled to perform at the Classic Open Air Festival at Gendarmenmarkt in Berlin.
Her appearance is being promoted as a “Top Event” on VisitBerlin.de – a platform partially funded with public money by the Berlin Senate.
– 2010: Appeared in a dress printed with “Nach Berlin!” and wearing the St. George’s ribbon – both now symbols of Russian war propaganda.
– 2012: Publicly supported Vladimir Putin’s presidential “election.”
– 2014: Donated 1 million rubles to separatists in Donetsk and posed with the flag of “Novorossiya” – a symbol of Russian occupation.
– 2021: Celebrated her birthday in the Kremlin and received personal congratulations from Putin.
– Since 2007: Patron of an SOS Children’s Village in Tomilino, near Moscow.
In 2022, Ukrainian children were deported to that same facility — forcibly taken from their homes and used for Russian propaganda.
Netrebko has never commented on this and has not ended her patronage — even though the deportation of children with the intent to erase national identity is clearly defined as genocide under the 1948 Genocide Convention.
– To this day: No clear distancing from the regime. No word about the aggressor. Instead: complaints about “Russophobia.”
We have once again sent an open letter to the Berlin authorities — addressed to Berlin City Hall (Rotes Rathaus), the Classic Open Air Festival at Gendarmenmarkt, DEAG Classics AG, and the VisitBerlin platform.
So far, there has been no response.
Already in 2023, following Netrebko’s first performance in Berlin after the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion, we issued an open letter.
It was signed by numerous organizations and prominent individuals — including Timothy Snyder, Oleksandra Matviichuk, and many more.
📄 You can download the full text of the current open letter here:
OPEN LETTER 3 _ No Stage for Anna Netrebko!
What can you do?
📍 Join the demonstration:
Gendarmenmarkt, Berlin
July 21, 2025 | 6:30 PM
📩 Write to the organizers:
info@deag.de | tickets@classicopenair.de
We kindly ask you to adhere to the principles of German freedom of speech law.
🔁 Share this call — art must not legitimize propaganda.
🙏 Thank you to everyone supporting our work — your solidarity fuels our protests, research, and actions.
If you’re able to, please consider donating so we can stay loud and visible:
https://vitsche.org/donate/
Vitsche once again calls for the immediate closure of the “russian House” still operating on Berlin’s Friedrichstraße. We cannot tolerate that this institution — a direct extension of the Kremlin’s sanctioned propaganda network — continues to operate freely in the heart of the German capital. While russia continues its war of aggression against Ukraine, Berlin is hosting a building that serves as an ideological, political, and logistical platform for the Kremlin’s subversive goals.
Public Funding for Kremlin Soft Power Must End
Despite Rossotrudnichestvo — the russian state agency that operates the russian House — being under full EU sanctions since 2022, Germany continues to fund this institution indirectly. The federal government pays its annual property tax — €70,000 from the public purse — while russian missiles fall on Ukrainian cities. This isn’t about tolerating russian culture, it is actively harming German and European security.
A Hub of Propaganda, Not Culture
Rossotrudnichestvo has been identified by the EU as a network of influence agents. The russian House is not merely “promoting culture” — it is whitewashing war crimes, legitimizing imperial narratives, and facilitating pro-Kremlin activism in Germany. Investigations by Berlin’s Prosecutor’s Office, the Central Office for Sanctions Enforcement, and multiple journalists reveal an ecosystem of sanctioned actors, extremists, and russian intelligence operatives operating out of this building.
The russian House has repeatedly violated sanctions by generating income through language courses, workshops, film screenings, and restaurant sales. These are not isolated oversights — they are blatant, ongoing violations of EU law. Visitors can walk in, pay cash, and participate in a full schedule of events while Berlin authorities stand by.
Ties to the German Far-Right and Authoritarian Actors
The russian House provides a platform for AfD officials, russian-speaking extremists, and propagandists such as Jürgen Elsässer and Elena Kolbasnikova. The institution is a known venue for COMPACT events, far-right “peace” demonstrations, and so-called humanitarian fundraisers for “Donbas separatists”, namely the russian army. This is not “freedom of expression” — this is state-backed collaboration with an authoritarian aggressor under the guise of culture.
The House also hosts groups like Druschba Global and Vadar e.V., both deeply embedded in pro-russian and anti-Ukrainian activism. These networks celebrate militaristic Soviet nostalgia, spread disinformation, and openly support russian war aims.
Complicity of Germany’s Quiet Return of Cultural Diplomacy to russia
While Germany debates sanction enforcement under its new government, the Goethe-Institut under the Federal Foreign Office have begun quietly resuming cultural programs in russia. After freezing most activities in response to the 2022 invasion, they now offer mobility grants, exhibitions, and artist exchanges — all funded by German taxpayers.
One Goethe-Institut open call, referencing the painter Caspar David Friedrich, invokes vague phrases about “armed conflicts” and “migration flows” without once naming russia’s aggression. This language mirrors Kremlin disinformation that shifts blame to nameless “global instability” — a rhetorical sleight of hand that de-politicizes russia’s war of aggression.
At the Arbuzz Gallery in Moscow, publicly funded exhibitions now feature Soviet symbols, red stars, and militaristic imagery — all recontextualized as harmless “heritage” while the russian military levels Ukrainian cities. This aesthetic laundering of russian imperial violence is ethically indefensible.
We Call on Germany to Use Every Legal Mechanism to Shut Down the russian House
We urge the Federal Government, the Federal Foreign Office, the Berlin Senate, and the Ministry of Finance to immediately apply all available tools under EU sanctions law, property law, and financial enforcement mechanisms to close the russian House. Moreover we want to extend our public invitation to the representative of Ministry of International Affair for a public interview during our demonstration on June 25th. It’s time to speak.
There is legal precedent. The enforcement of sanctions includes prohibitions on income generation and the commercial use of frozen property. The building is not neutral ground — it is the Berlin headquarters of a sanctioned state agency under direct control of the russian MFA. That qualifies it for asset freeze and operational shutdown under existing EU law.
Our Demands:
Cultural diplomacy cannot operate in a vacuum while war crimes are committed
No more euphemisms. No more neutrality masquerading as peacebuilding. Germany must not fund russian propaganda — in Berlin, Moscow, or anywhere else.