Together with GZA Europe, we are once again organizing a demonstration against the performance of Anna Netrebko at the Classic Open Air Festival in Berlin.
📅 July 21, 6:00–9:00 PM
📍 Gendarmenmarkt, Berlin
This time, we are preparing something special.
We want everyone attending this concert to see:
It is shameful to offer a stage to someone who has supported Vladimir Putin.
That’s why it is important that we remain visible throughout the entire event.
On July 21, 2025, Anna Netrebko is scheduled to perform at the Classic Open Air Festival at Gendarmenmarkt in Berlin.
Her appearance is being promoted as a “Top Event” on VisitBerlin.de – a platform partially funded with public money by the Berlin Senate.
– 2010: Appeared in a dress printed with “Nach Berlin!” and wearing the St. George’s ribbon – both now symbols of Russian war propaganda.
– 2012: Publicly supported Vladimir Putin’s presidential “election.”
– 2014: Donated 1 million rubles to separatists in Donetsk and posed with the flag of “Novorossiya” – a symbol of Russian occupation.
– 2021: Celebrated her birthday in the Kremlin and received personal congratulations from Putin.
– Since 2007: Patron of an SOS Children’s Village in Tomilino, near Moscow.
In 2022, Ukrainian children were deported to that same facility — forcibly taken from their homes and used for Russian propaganda.
Netrebko has never commented on this and has not ended her patronage — even though the deportation of children with the intent to erase national identity is clearly defined as genocide under the 1948 Genocide Convention.
– To this day: No clear distancing from the regime. No word about the aggressor. Instead: complaints about “Russophobia.”
We have once again sent an open letter to the Berlin authorities — addressed to Berlin City Hall (Rotes Rathaus), the Classic Open Air Festival at Gendarmenmarkt, DEAG Classics AG, and the VisitBerlin platform.
So far, there has been no response.
Already in 2023, following Netrebko’s first performance in Berlin after the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion, we issued an open letter.
It was signed by numerous organizations and prominent individuals — including Timothy Snyder, Oleksandra Matviichuk, and many more.
📄 You can download the full text of the current open letter here:
OPEN LETTER 3 _ No Stage for Anna Netrebko!
What can you do?
📍 Join the demonstration:
Gendarmenmarkt, Berlin
July 21, 2025 | 6:30 PM
📩 Write to the organizers:
info@deag.de | tickets@classicopenair.de
We kindly ask you to adhere to the principles of German freedom of speech law.
🔁 Share this call — art must not legitimize propaganda.
🙏 Thank you to everyone supporting our work — your solidarity fuels our protests, research, and actions.
If you’re able to, please consider donating so we can stay loud and visible:
https://vitsche.org/donate/
Vitsche once again calls for the immediate closure of the “russian House” still operating on Berlin’s Friedrichstraße. We cannot tolerate that this institution — a direct extension of the Kremlin’s sanctioned propaganda network — continues to operate freely in the heart of the German capital. While russia continues its war of aggression against Ukraine, Berlin is hosting a building that serves as an ideological, political, and logistical platform for the Kremlin’s subversive goals.
Public Funding for Kremlin Soft Power Must End
Despite Rossotrudnichestvo — the russian state agency that operates the russian House — being under full EU sanctions since 2022, Germany continues to fund this institution indirectly. The federal government pays its annual property tax — €70,000 from the public purse — while russian missiles fall on Ukrainian cities. This isn’t about tolerating russian culture, it is actively harming German and European security.
A Hub of Propaganda, Not Culture
Rossotrudnichestvo has been identified by the EU as a network of influence agents. The russian House is not merely “promoting culture” — it is whitewashing war crimes, legitimizing imperial narratives, and facilitating pro-Kremlin activism in Germany. Investigations by Berlin’s Prosecutor’s Office, the Central Office for Sanctions Enforcement, and multiple journalists reveal an ecosystem of sanctioned actors, extremists, and russian intelligence operatives operating out of this building.
The russian House has repeatedly violated sanctions by generating income through language courses, workshops, film screenings, and restaurant sales. These are not isolated oversights — they are blatant, ongoing violations of EU law. Visitors can walk in, pay cash, and participate in a full schedule of events while Berlin authorities stand by.
Ties to the German Far-Right and Authoritarian Actors
The russian House provides a platform for AfD officials, russian-speaking extremists, and propagandists such as Jürgen Elsässer and Elena Kolbasnikova. The institution is a known venue for COMPACT events, far-right “peace” demonstrations, and so-called humanitarian fundraisers for “Donbas separatists”, namely the russian army. This is not “freedom of expression” — this is state-backed collaboration with an authoritarian aggressor under the guise of culture.
The House also hosts groups like Druschba Global and Vadar e.V., both deeply embedded in pro-russian and anti-Ukrainian activism. These networks celebrate militaristic Soviet nostalgia, spread disinformation, and openly support russian war aims.
Complicity of Germany’s Quiet Return of Cultural Diplomacy to russia
While Germany debates sanction enforcement under its new government, the Goethe-Institut under the Federal Foreign Office have begun quietly resuming cultural programs in russia. After freezing most activities in response to the 2022 invasion, they now offer mobility grants, exhibitions, and artist exchanges — all funded by German taxpayers.
One Goethe-Institut open call, referencing the painter Caspar David Friedrich, invokes vague phrases about “armed conflicts” and “migration flows” without once naming russia’s aggression. This language mirrors Kremlin disinformation that shifts blame to nameless “global instability” — a rhetorical sleight of hand that de-politicizes russia’s war of aggression.
At the Arbuzz Gallery in Moscow, publicly funded exhibitions now feature Soviet symbols, red stars, and militaristic imagery — all recontextualized as harmless “heritage” while the russian military levels Ukrainian cities. This aesthetic laundering of russian imperial violence is ethically indefensible.
We Call on Germany to Use Every Legal Mechanism to Shut Down the russian House
We urge the Federal Government, the Federal Foreign Office, the Berlin Senate, and the Ministry of Finance to immediately apply all available tools under EU sanctions law, property law, and financial enforcement mechanisms to close the russian House. Moreover we want to extend our public invitation to the representative of Ministry of International Affair for a public interview during our demonstration on June 25th. It’s time to speak.
There is legal precedent. The enforcement of sanctions includes prohibitions on income generation and the commercial use of frozen property. The building is not neutral ground — it is the Berlin headquarters of a sanctioned state agency under direct control of the russian MFA. That qualifies it for asset freeze and operational shutdown under existing EU law.
Our Demands:
Cultural diplomacy cannot operate in a vacuum while war crimes are committed
No more euphemisms. No more neutrality masquerading as peacebuilding. Germany must not fund russian propaganda — in Berlin, Moscow, or anywhere else.
From June 12 through July 31, join us every Thursday for a series of intimate talks and conversations. We’ll explore Ukraine through the lenses of memory, music, identity and geopolitics.
These Thursday evenings invite reflection, dialogue and connection—over a glass of wine and with an open mind, in the cozy Berlin-Wedding neighborhood.
Our guests—scholars, intellectuals, musicians and authors—will speak on what shapes Ukraine today and how it’s transforming Europe.
Start: 6:30 PM
Location: Berlin, Wedding
(Exact address provided after registration; see link below.)
Admission: Donation from €7 (includes one glass of wine)
Seats are limited—registration required
Languages: German and English
Program:
Prof. Dr. Yulia Shtaltovna
Professor of International and Intercultural Management, Dean of Studies (IBM program), Hochschule Fresenius, Berlin
What the World Can Learn from Ukraine
Drawing on her recent co-authored article (with Valerii Pekar) in New Eastern Europe, Prof. Shtaltovna reflects on how Ukrainian society has demonstrated remarkable resilience, self-organization and adaptability in the face of full-scale war—qualities from which the rest of the world can take valuable lessons. She’ll show how Ukrainians turn crises into opportunities for unity, growth and civic strength, and how those strategies might inspire other societies during times of upheaval.
Language of the evening: English
Nikolai Klimeniouk
Journalist
Beyond Propaganda: How Russian Influencers and Regime Critics Play into the Kremlin’s Hands
While russian state propaganda—and its allies in Western politics and media—claim that Russia’s war on Ukraine is primarily the West’s fault and portray Russia as security-minded and peace-seeking, even regime critics often reinforce the Kremlin narrative by depicting it as all-powerful, stable yet unpredictable and uncompromising. Klimeniouk will examine why the notion of Putin’s regime as driven above all by power retention and profit (rather than mass popular support) serves to steer discussions toward negotiations and compromise.
Language of the evening: English
Prof. Andrii Portnov
Professor of Entangled Ukrainian History, European University Viadrina, Frankfurt (Oder)
Germany and Ukraine—Is There a Path to Deeper Understanding and Genuine Partnership?
Historian and public intellectual Prof. Portnov explores the complex relations between Ukraine and Germany—past and present. Why do persistent misunderstandings endure despite shared interests? What historical and political blind spots obstruct an equal and open dialogue? And what steps are needed, amid war, European integration and memory politics, to build a true partnership? He’ll draw on a decade of academic and civil-society collaboration between the two countries.
Language of the evening: English
Yuriy Gurzhy
Musician, Composer, DJ and Author
An Aquarium Full of Keys: Kharkiv and the Pictures of My Father
This fall 2025 sees the publication (Edition Fröhlich) of Gurzhy’s second book, An Aquarium Full of Keys. Kharkiv and the Pictures of My Father—a collection of short stories about his recent journeys home, accompanied by photographs from his father Alexander Gurzhy’s archive. Tonight he’ll read selections from the work in progress, display chosen images, and perhaps even add musical interludes.
Language of the evening: German
Dr. Stefanie Eisenhuth
Postdoctoral Researcher and Adjunct Professor, University of Greifswald; Gerda Henkel Foundation Research Fellow
Germany’s “Coming to Terms” with the Past: Myths, Challenges and Political Impact
Dr. Eisenhuth will guide us through Germany’s complex process of Vergangenheitsbewältigung—the confrontation with its National Socialist past—in East and West Germany after 1945. After an introductory overview of how each state faced (or evaded) this history, she’ll focus on the blind spots in German memory culture: why and how the experiences of Eastern and Central Europe were marginalized. In the context of Russia’s war on Ukraine, we’ll discuss how these gaps shape public attitudes and political responses to current aggression.
Language of the evening: English
Ostap Sereda
(confirmation pending)
Viktoria Sereda
(confirmation pending)
Yes, the demonstration is taking place for the third time, as Anna Netrebko has once again been invited to perform at the Berlin State Opera. This time, we have decided to do it differently — to clearly show what the “russkiy Mir” ideology supported by Mrs. Netrebko truly means.
For reasons unknown, Berlin State Opera is giving the stage — for the third time — to a public supporter of Vladimir Putin.
We cannot accept that Anna Netrebko, who in 2014 supported the russian occupation of Crimea and the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, and who has yet to acknowledge her mistakes, is allowed to perform as if nothing happened.
Netrebko is a prime example of russia’s soft power: using culture to spread propaganda and disinformation under the guise of “high culture.” She has not clearly distanced herself from her long-standing support for Putin.
By publicly endorsing him, she helped legitimize the occupation of Ukrainian territories since 2014 and contributed to the escalation that led to the full-scale invasion. In her so-called “anti-war” statement, she didn’t even name russia as the aggressor — instead, she reaffirmed her emotional bond with the country.
On May 15, we will show what this kind of “love” means in practice. russia’s “love” is felt through double missile strikes aimed at killing first responders. That’s exactly what happened to the small Ukrainian ambulance called Barwinka, from Derhachi in the Kharkiv region. On March 12, 2022, it was hit while responding to an emergency.
Together with Fellas4Europe, we are bringing Barwinka to Berlin for the protest at 18:30 on May 15.
👉 15. Mai, 18:30 Uhr
📍Staatsoper Unter den Linden, Berlin
Join us — with your voices and your posters — to clearly show the consequences of normalizing russian propaganda on Berlin’s cultural stages.
If opera visitors choose to look away from russian war crimes, we will make sure those crimes are brought to their doorstep.
During WWII, over 10 million people from Ukraine died — as civilians under Nazi terror, as victims of Communist repressions, as Red Army soldiers, as forced laborers in Nazi Germany or representatives of the Jewish or Roma communities. The territory of Ukraine was place to one of the heaviest human losses in Europe — yet in Germany’s culture of remembrance, their scale and stories remain invisible.
The Soviet narrative erased Ukraine
The Soviet memory of victory never recognized Ukraine’s distinct suffering. All victims were counted as Soviet citizens, erasing national identities. This eradicated individual fates and their memory — the Soviet state celebrated heroism, but the suffering of millions stayed aside..
Germany inherits a russocentric view
In post-war Germany the new communist leaders in the Soviet occupation zone built grand monuments to pay tribute to the Red Army’s triumph. But these memorials treat the Soviet Union as one single people — many Germans perceived and still see them as russians. There is still no monument or dedicated sign for Ukrainians. No mention of Ukrainian or losses of other nations that constituted the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics.
The silence in the West
In West Germany, memory centered around German occupation of Western Europe and the crimes of the Shoah — while the experiences of the war of annihilation in Eastern Europe, including Ukraine, remained largely invisible and ignored behind the iron curtain.
Why this matters
Today, myths from WWII are still alive. Russia uses them to justify new wars — including the invasion of Ukraine. Without recognition of Ukraine’s and many other nations’ WWII experiences and suffering, Soviet imperial narratives continue to shape the present.
Large parts of Ukraine’s cultural, economic and demographic basis were destroyed. These consequences and the subsequent Soviet policies of russification can still be observed today.
History is used as a weapon.
By denying Ukraine’s suffering in WWII, the today’s aggressor seeks to deny Ukraine’s right to exist. A modern memory culture must confront this — not repeat old silences.
That’s why we are launching a campaign: “Ukraine in Memory.”
Over the coming weeks, we will be sharing forgotten stories, organizing public lectures, and holding a commemorative march in Berlin.
Our goal: to make Ukraine’s wartime experience visible.
We call for a Ukrainian place of remembrance in Berlin: to honor the dead, to tell stories and give a bigger picture, to prevent memory from being misused.
Every year at Easter, the so-called “Ostermarsch” marches — originally born in the 1960s from anti-nuclear and anti-war ideals — return to the streets.
But since 2014, and especially since russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, these marches have changed. Many of them have become platforms for narratives that benefit the aggressor — not the victims.
This year, over 90 Easter marches are planned across Germany. Their message no longer speaks of global justice. Instead, they echo Kremlin propaganda and call for disarmament — not of the aggressor, but of the defenders.
Their central demand is to stop strengthening Europe’s ability to defend itself.
“Disarmament instead of defense” — that’s the message we find in many of the organizers’ statements, if we read them with awareness of the global situation. The logic is simple: where there are no weapons, there is peace. But in a world where dictatorships attack democracies, that logic kills.
Disarmament might make sense if you are the aggressor and want to secure a new status-quo – for the victim, it’s a death sentence. For Ukraine, it means genocide and destruction. For Europe, it means helplessness in the face of future russian aggression.
And this is happening at the worst possible moment:
🇺🇸 The U.S. is wavering in its support.
🤝 russia is holding direct negotiations with Washington that bypass Europe and apparently serve only Kremlin interests.
🕊️ “Peace at any price” is becoming a dominant narrative — even if the price is Ukrainian lives, occupied cities, and a defenseless Europe. But in the end, there will still be no peace.
While russians systematically violate international conventions by killing civilians and prisoners of war, showing no intention of ending their aggression, calls for “peace” ultimately serve the Kremlin’s interests. A ceasefire forced upon Ukraine by the US and fueled by russian narratives would freeze occupation, reward war crimes, and invite further invasions.
The very idea of peace has been weaponized. And parts of the German peace movement are helping to spread it.
That’s why we fight back.
At Vitsche, we are launching a campaign for a real and just peace — against the false prophets of surrender. Because wars are fought not only on the battlefield, but in people’s minds.
If we surrender truth, we surrender everything.
We will organize a performative counter-action during the Berlin Ostermarsch, and create powerful, shareable visual content that shows what peace truly means: justice and security in freedom.
We all want peace. But if it isn’t just, it isn’t peace at all.
Your financial support.
We are a volunteer-led civil society organization, working with project-based funding. Unlike propaganda networks, we don’t have big donors — we rely on you — people who know that real peace is more than the absence of war.
👉 Every euro helps us fight disinformation, support Ukraine, and counter the wave of pseudo-pacifist propaganda.
📍 Donate. Share. Act.
https://vitsche.org/donate/
Café Kyiv is more than just an event – it is a space for dialogue, inspiration, and solidarity. Through discussions, panels, and cultural encounters, it connects people from Ukraine, Germany, and beyond who are committed to a shared free future for Ukraine and Europe.This year, the Vitsche team organized three panel discussions on disinformation and decolonization with incredible speakers, as well as the premiere of the film Zinema by director Korniy Hrytsiuk.The discussion “Weapons of Slow Destruction: Russian State Propaganda” and the premiere of the documentary Zinema were made in cooperation with the Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. The discussion “Decolonizing the Discourse on Europe’s East” was made in cooperation with the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung.We thank the Café Kyiv team and the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung for the opportunity to be a partner in this incredible event.See you next year!
For Ukraine. For our freedom. For a strong Europe.
On March 9, 2025, Vitsche e.V. and Campact e.V. are calling for a mass demonstration at the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin. As the U.S. turns away from Ukraine, it is up to Europe to take responsibility. Ukraine is defending not only its own freedom but also the security and democratic values of Europe.
Recent statements from the White House mark a dramatic shift: instead of supporting Ukraine, the U.S. government is spreading Russian propaganda and undermining the sovereignty of a country that has been defending itself against Russian imperialism for three years. These developments directly affect Europe – if Ukraine falls, Europe will become unsafe and face further aggression. And without Europe’s support, the Ukrainian population faces continued terror, oppression, and even mass murder.
That’s why we are calling for a strong European response:
🔹 Unwavering support for Ukraine’s sovereignty
Ukraine must be recognized as an equal partner on the international stage. Weakening its position also jeopardizes Europe’s stability and security.
🔹 Increased military and humanitarian aid – including long-range systems like Taurus
Ukraine needs modern defense systems, financial assistance, and continuous humanitarian support for those affected by the war. Europe must deliver – quickly, comprehensively, and sustainably.
🔹 Use of frozen Russian assets
Around €250–300 billion of frozen Russian assets in Europe must finally be used to finance Ukraine’s defense and reconstruction – as a clear act of European responsibility.
🔹 Protect European security and democracy
The alliance of autocrats is growing. Europe must act in unity – against the destruction of democratic structures, against far-right and pro-Russian parties, and in favor of a common security and defense policy.
🔹 Invest in an independent, sustainable future
Russia’s war shows us: dependence on autocrats costs prosperity and threatens freedom. Europe’s response must focus on renewable energy, fair industry, and socially just mobility – financed through reforms and the abolition of the debt brake.
On March 9, we take to the streets.
For Ukraine. For democracy. For Europe’s future.
👉 Join the demonstration at the Brandenburg Gate.
👉 Take a stand and call on the Bundestag to act with us.